Google-Funded Campaign to Defend Internet Law Also Protects Hub of Child Sex Trafficking Executive Summary
For years, one company—Backpage.com—has dominated online trafficking in minors for sex. The advertising giant’s reach is vast, with sites catering to 437 locations in the U.S. and 506 overseas. So is its impact: By one count, 73% of all suspected child1 trafficking reports in the U.S. involve Backpage.
Details of Backpage’s victims have filled multiple lawsuits, legal actions and government investigations: A 13-year-old girl in Miami whose pimp tattooed his name on her eyelids; a 15-year-old in Seattle who was sold for sex more than 150 times. A new documentary film, I Am Jane Doe, chronicles the struggles of child sex victims to hold Backpage2 responsible for its role in the abuse they suffered.
Despite widespread revulsion at its business model, however, Backpage has managed to elude a series of legal challenges and beat back legislative efforts to stop it from advertising children for sex. In its successful efforts, Backpage has benefitted from the help of an all-star cast of lawyers and legal scholars, as well as significant political and lobbying muscle that it could not assemble itself.

The common factor behind nearly all those forces: Alphabet Inc.’s Internet giant, Google.
An analysis of public records, tax documents and legal filings and other publicly-available documents shows Google has financed and supported a broad array of groups and individuals who have fought aggressively to thwart legal challenges to Backpage’s business model. Legal scholars and groups supported by Google have written letters and amicus briefs in support of Backpage. More than half of the 42 signatories of a letter opposing a bill to tackle online child trafficking—22 in all—were either directly funded by Google, or worked at institutions that were funded by the3 company. (See Appendix C)123 At least four of Google’s lobbying firms have also worked to block efforts by the U.S. Congress to strengthen laws to prevent child sex-trafficking under the Stop Advertising Victims of Exploitation (SAVE Act) of 2014 that would have targeted Backpage and held it accountable. Google’s lobbying firms also appear to have successfully lobbied to remove a key provision from the law that would have held Backpage liable for recklessly disregarding the child sex trafficking occurring on its site. (See page 22).
Lobbyists for Google reportedly helped kill a version of a bill that would have required firms hosting adult ads to determine the age of people appearing in their online4 victim’s advocate credited with helping shut ads.
Google even poached one of the leading campaigners for shutting down Backpage’s child-trafficking ads, who, after being hired, then changed her stance on the issue to crusade against Craigslist, Backpage must also align with her new employer. She now argues that it isn’t possible to shut down sites like Backpage and that laws should target buyers rather than websites that advertise children for sex. (See box, left).
By 2014, Ms. Saada Saar had changed her Why would Google be interested in defending such a company? In short: business. The groups’ defense of Backpage centers around Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, a 1996 law that Google says provides it with almost unlimited immunity from liability for crimes committed using its services. That includes the posting of pirated movies and music to its YouTube service, fraudulent advertisements posted through its AdWords service or Google suggesting trademarked terms as advertising keywords.
CDA 230 has been described as an implicit subsidy for a then-nascent industry, allowing it to avoid the regulation affecting5 other sectors. Proponents have argued45 that it protects and promotes free speech on the Internet. They have, however, ignored the devastating impact the law can have in its current form. Section 230 has been central to Google’s stratospheric success over the past two decades. Partly as a result of the provision, a Harvard professor reported in 2011 that Google earned over $1 billion in revenue annually from Google advertisers posting unlawful material related to child6 trafficking, illegal drugs, and counterfeit goods.
Google has sought to extend its broad interpretation of CDA 230 around the country, while beating back anything that threatens to narrow its scope in the U.S. even when the law has had devastating consequences for victims of such crimes as child sex trafficking. Google’s efforts have apparently included placing its unrivaled resources and lobbying prowess at the service of Backpage, while concealing its own efforts to direct its defense. “The Googles of the world are in a tough spot,” congressional aides told The Daily Beast. “They’re not going to speak out publicly against a human trafficking7 measure. But they also are opposed to it.”
As the key unit of publicly-traded Alphabet Inc., Google with a “Don’t be Evil” ethos, has so far remained publicly silent on the issue of Backpage. Nevertheless, the company’s position can be traced through the activities of its network of paid academics, advocates and third-parties, which it often deploys to promote and defend its public policy interests.
The company’s senior executives—as well as law firms and academics with close financial ties to Google—sit on the boards of numerous nonprofits defending Backpage. And the company has deployed its own contract lobbyists to water down congressional efforts to tackle Backpage and strengthen child sex-trafficking laws.
At the center of the effort to defend Backpage from legal threats are two nonprofit groups that between them have received millions of dollars in financial support from Google—the Center for Democracy and Technology (CDT) and the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF). In addition to their heavy funding from Google, both groups have dozens of top advisors with close ties to the company. Both groups—but especially CDT —have a history of supporting Google’s public policy objectives and defending the company in court, often acting as unofficial lobbying arms of the company. Those groups have rallied to Backpage’s defense, filing numerous amicus briefs to defeat lawsuits filed by the child-trafficking victims. They have even filed briefs on Backpage’s behalf to thwart legal subpoenas issued to the company by state law8 enforcement officials and Congress. Supporting the campaign, which advocates say is678 to protect Section 230, is a network of more than two-dozen legal scholars, special-interest groups and trade associations that Google also supports financially from its public policy operation.
The full extent to which Google is directing Backpage’s defense remains unclear and it has yet to publicly clarify its position. Other tech companies, who also benefit from CDA Section 230, support some of these organizations as well.
However, Google is far and away the largest financial backer of these groups, providing millions of dollars to the organizations leading Backpage’s defense. Its efforts also extend to Google’s own contract lobbyists and network of consultants and academics. Google’s financial support of EFF, CDT and dozens of other groups, has contributed to a string of legal successes by Backpage and complicated the quest for justice among its underage victims. Since 2011, the nonprofits have helped Backpage defeat several cases related to child sex trafficking by filing Section 230 briefs on Backpage’s behalf. Among the initiatives the groups have helped defeat:
- A legal case brought by three underage sex-trafficking victims who were advertised on Backpage and sold for sex in Massachusetts and Rhode Island more than 1,9009 times over three years.
- Proposed state laws aimed at curbing Backpage’s child sex advertisements in Washington, New Jersey, and Tennessee.
- Efforts by law enforcement in Cook County, Illinois, to prevent the use of credit card payments to purchase ads offering children for sex. (Pages 23 and 24)
- Efforts by 49 state attorneys general to amend Section 230 to give state and local law enforcement officials the authority to criminally investigate and prosecute13 companies like Backpage for promoting child sex trafficking.
- The “reckless” standard in early versions of Congressional legislation such as the SAVE Act, which strengthened child sex trafficking laws by making it illegal for online14 advertisers to recklessly disregard child sex trafficking occurring on their websites.91011121314 The support of Google-funded groups has also served to confer legitimacy on Backpage, which critics say has become a “boiler room” operation for commercial sex. A U.S. Senate investigation of child trafficking suggests that Backpage’s sole purpose appears to be advertising commercial sex with only a veneer of other, legitimate classified ads.
In recent years, Google has also started to fund several anti-child trafficking organizations, though it appears that it has yet to persuade them, as it has with Ms. Saada Saar, that they should redirect their efforts away from supporting victims’ lawsuits against the company. Several have filed amicus briefs in support of plaintiffs’ arguments that Backpage should not benefit from CDA Section 230 protections because it “materially contributes” to the illegality of content posted on its site. As Backpage’s legal challenges have continued to mount since 2011, the company and its founders have remained defiant, aggressively defending against lawsuits, fighting state and federal subpoenas, and filing their own lawsuits against state laws seeking to regulate online child sex trafficking. In case after case, claiming to be motivated by defending Section 230, Backpage’s active supporters have included EFF, CDT and more than two dozen legal experts, lobbying firms and interest groups—all quietly supported behind the scenes by Alphabet Inc.’s key unit, Google.
Backpage.com’s History

Carl Ferrer, a classified advertising executive who had served as The Dallas Observer’s director of classified advertising since 1996, created Backpage.com in 2003.
It’s mission: “to counter the loss of print classified advertising” from upstart online advertisers. The new online advertising company was named after the classified advertisements, many including adult subject matter, which appeared on the “back page” of the Village Voice and other free weeklies distributed throughout the15 United States.
In 2006, the Village Voice was purchased by New Times Media, an alternative newspaper conglomerate founded in 1970 by James Larkin and Michael Lacey that quickly grew into one of the largest owners of free weeklies in the United States. The merged company, renamed Village Voice Media Holdings, retained the online Backpage classified service, which also included ads soliciting prostitution. When Craigslist, which was the market leader in adult ads, closed its site in 2010, Backpage, a distant second in terms of market share, then filled the vacuum. The company’s gross revenues grew by almost 600% in only two years, from $5.3 million in 2008 to $29 million in 2010. By 2014, Backpage’s gross revenue, and that of its affiliated companies, was estimated to16 be $135 million.
As Backpage’s revenues increased, so did scrutiny of the company over allegations that it turned a blind eye, and in many cases even facilitated, child sex trafficking through its adult personals section. Dozens of news reports since 2010 have highlighted the heartbreaking and horrific stories of young girls trafficked for sex online, including:
- A case in Atlanta, GA of a 12-year-old girl whose pimp regularly tasered her and17 even forced her to work while pregnant with his child.
- A New York City case of a 13-year-old girl who was regularly beaten and even18 kicked down a stairwell for trying to escape her pimp.
- A Miami case of a 13-year-old girl whose pimp had tattooed his name on the girl’s19 eyelids.1516171819
- A Seattle case in which a 15-year-old girl was sold for sex more than 150 times.
- A Chicago case in which a 16 year old, suffering from depression, left home. Three weeks later, she was advertised for sex on Backpage and murdered at the hands of21 her Backpage buyer.
In each of the examples, the girls were sold through Backpage.
In August 2011, 45 state attorneys general sent a letter to Backpage’s legal counsel seeking information on what steps the advertising site was taking to eradicate advertisements for child prostitution. The letter, sent in lieu of an official subpoena, described Backpage as a hub of “human trafficking, especially the trafficking of minors” and pointed to more than 50 cases they had identified since 2008 involving individuals trafficking or attempting to traffic minors through Backpage’s classified advertising22 service. (The National Center for Missing and Exploited Children reports that 73% of23 all child sex trafficking reports it receives are related to Backpage advertisements.) The same month, Backpage was found not guilty in a Missouri case in which a victim sold through Backpage’s adult advertising section alleged that the company knew that child sex victims were regularly being advertised on the site. The court’s decision cited Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, noting that the provision provided the company immunity from the victim’s claims, whether Backpage knew child sex24 trafficking was occurring on the site or not.
Interestingly, a 2012 article suggested that Backpage’s co-owner, Mr. Larkin, was well-aware of his company’s role in child sex trafficking. The article reported that he kept a photo of himself with Chris Hansen, the former host of Dateline NBC’s To Catch a Predator prominently displayed in his Phoenix mansion. The NBC show centered around hidden camera investigations of men soliciting underage girls for sex. Mr. Hansen had autographed the photo with the words: “To Jimbo, thanks for keeping me in25 business.”
Two months after the August 2011 Missouri decision, Mr. Larkin was interviewed in a New York Times story, “Fighting over Online Sex Ads”, insisting the company was not legally responsible for child sex trafficking ads posted on the site and expressing defiance against efforts by law enforcement to investigate the company. “I am beginning202122232425 to like our odds. We have all these politicians and concerned clergy after us. We must26 be doing something right,” he said.
By September 2012, public pressure and negative attention over Backpage’s facilitation of child sex trafficking ultimately prompted Village Voice Media to spin off the company. Under the spinoff plan, Village Voice Media’s controlling shareholders, Mr. Lacey and Mr. Larkin, continued to operate Backpage independently as a separate entity set up through a complicated legal structure that included several U.S. and, reportedly, Amsterdam-based holding companies. Mr. Ferrer, the founder and creator of Backpage, remained CEO of the new company.
As the company’s legal challenges mounted beginning in 2012, two activist groups with close ties to Google—the Electronic Frontier Foundation and the Center for Democracy and Technology—stepped in to help with Backpage’s legal defense across a widening front of legislative and prosecutorial challenges.
From 2012 to 2015, Backpage faced legislative threats in Washington, Tennessee and New Jersey aimed at finding a way to hold Backpage accountable for its conduct. With legal support of EFF, CDT and others, Backpage beat back the threats in each case.
In October 2016, Mr. Ferrer was arrested in Houston on a California warrant charging the CEO with pimping a minor,29 pimping and conspiracy to commit pimping. Backpage’s controlling shareholders, Mr. Lacey and Mr. Larkin, were also charged with conspiracy to commit pimping.
“Raking in millions of dollars from the trafficking and exploitation of vulnerable victims is outrageous, despicable and illegal,” said California Attorney General Kamala Harris commenting on the arrest. “Backpage and its executives purposefully and unlawfully designed Backpage to be the world’s top online brothel,” Harris noted. A California judge later dismissed the pimping charges citing Section 230. But in January 2017, the Homeland Security Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations wrapped up a lengthy investigation of Backpage’s practices with a scathing 53-page26272829 report alleging Backpage knew it was facilitating child sex trafficking and had knowingly “sanitized” ads for sex with minors by editing out words like “teen” or “Lolita,” but then30 posting the sanitized ads anyway.
The same day as the Senate report, Backpage announced that it had shut down its adult “escorts” section, noting that “years of effort by government at various levels to31 exert pressure on Backpage.com” have made it “too costly to continue.” Until last week, just before the film was available on iTunes, Google Play and Amazon, the site’s escort section included a “censored” message and invited visitors to visit EFF, CDT and the Cato Institute for more information. All three are funded by Google. The escort link has now been removed.
However, many advocates have noted that the shutdown is little more than window dressing, as the child sex trafficking ads have simply migrated to other Backpage sections or to other websites operated by Backpage-owned entities. In March of 2017, The New York Times reported that many of the ads for children were now appearing32 on Backpage’s dating section using suggestive language such as “100% young.”303132
effort by government at various levels to exert pressure on Backpage.com” have made it “too costly to continue.”31 Until last week, just before the film was available on iTunes, Google Play and Amazon, the site’s escort section included a “censored” message and invited visitors to visit EFF, CDT and the Cato Institute for more information. All three are funded by Google. The escort link has now been removed.
And while the company may have shuttered its adult services in the U.S., Backpage’s adult section continues to thrive in cities and countries around the world. As in the U.S., many of the ads have language suggesting underage victims are being sold.
Google and CDA 230
Any change in CDA 230 to allow victims of child sex-trafficking to sue Backpage could expose Alphabet Inc.’s Google to similar legal challenges in state and federal courts. Victims and law-enforcement officials have argued in court filings that Backpage employees knowingly “sanitized” ads suggesting child sex trafficking, by filtering out incriminating keywords such as “Lolita”, “little girl” and “amber alert.” Backpage then allegedly posted the filtered ads nonetheless, as well as coaching its advertisers on how33 to create “clean” ads for illegal transactions.
Google faced a similar legal threat in 2011, when it was forced to pay $500 million to avoid criminal prosecution on charges that it had knowingly accepted illegal34 advertisements from rogue online pharmacies based abroad. Prosecutors alleged that Google willfully turned a blind-eye to the illegal sale of prescription drugs, and at times actively worked with advertisers to prevent their ads from being disqualified by35 suggesting keywords to get around Google’s advertising filters.
Google itself has come under increasing scrutiny for facilitating online sex trafficking in recent years. In March 2012, the National Association of Human Trafficking and Victim Advocates and 37 anti-trafficking organizations sent a letter to state attorneys general calling on law enforcement officials to investigate Google for profiting from sex36 trafficking advertisements in violation of Google’s own AdWords policies. More recently, a 2013 investigation by California-based Consumer Watchdog alleged that Google+ had become an online playground for child sex predators, allowing registered sex offenders and child pornography suspects to open Google+ accounts37 and upload pornographic images aimed at children through the social network. In July 2013, Google raised the ire of child safety advocates in the UK by rejecting a warning system that would flash a cautionary message when people were searching for child abuse content online. Google’s rejection of the system came after news stories revealed that the murderer of a five-year-old girl had collected a “library” of child abuse images by searching for the content on Google and Bing. Both Yahoo and Bing agreed38 to implement the warning system.333435363738 The company has also come under increased scrutiny recently for its alleged failure to accurately monitor other illegal or objectionable activity on its web properties. In March 2017, several advertisers pulled their ads from the video-sharing platform after their brands appeared next to videos that promoted extremist views, hate speech or sexually39 suggestive content. In December of 2016, families of victims murdered in a terrorist shooting at an Orlando nightclub sued Google, Twitter and Facebook, alleging that the40 companies provided “material support” to terrorists.
In each case, Google has publicly made claims that it is doing more to combat illegality on its sites. The question by many remains whether it is doing enough.3940
Google and CDT’s Special Relationship
Google has a long and close relationship with the Center for Democracy and Technology (CDT), which has received millions of dollars in funding from the company and regularly promotes its policy interests. The company has given the nonprofit more41 than $4.75 million since 2011, according to tax filings posted on CDT’s website. Google’s financial support is likely substantially more than that, as the group redacted its contributors in its public Form 990 tax disclosures prior to 2011. The connection between CDT and Google goes beyond the financial. The two have a symbiotic relationship, with several people moving between one and the other in both directions, or even belonging to both organizations simultaneously.
Alan Davidson, Google’s Director of Public Policy Americas from 2005 to 2012, was42 hired directly from CDT, where he served as the organization’s associate director. CDT’s Advisory Council currently includes Google policy executive Adam Kovacevich, several of Google’s top outside law firms, and numerous other special interest groups43 and academics that Google supports financially.
Mr. Kovacevich, who manages the company’s portfolio of relationships with policy groups in Washington, works behind the scenes to push Google’s policy views while keeping the company in the background. In 2014, a Washington Post story highlighted how Mr. Kovacevich worked behind the scenes with officials at George Mason University’s Law & Economic Center to put on Google-funded academic conferences that took a dim view of antitrust regulations aimed at the tech sector. At the time, Google was in the midst of an 18-month antitrust investigation by the Federal Trade44 Commission.
CDT’s advisory council also features several members of Google’s outside legal team, including Todd Hinnen with Perkins Coie, Lydia Parnes with Wilson Sonsini Goodrich and Rosati, and Durie Tangri’s Joseph Gratz.
Mr. Hinnen has represented Google on legal matters related to privacy, including a 2016 case in which the company sought to skirt federal search warrants for data stored45 overseas. (Backpage’s current general counsel, Elizabeth McDougall, was also4142434445 formerly with Perkins Coie). Perkins Coie also represented Google in the FTC’s 18- month antitrust investigation of the company and in the 2010 Google Buzz settlement47 with the FTC.
Wilson Sonsini’s Mr. Parnes represented Google in a separate case brought by the FTC alleging Google overrode the default settings of Safari browsers to place tracking cookies on the computers of Safari users visiting Google’s DoubleClick advertising network. Google settled the case for $22.5 million in 2012.
Mr. Gratz has represented Google in several Google Book Search copyright cases and in the Rescuecom v. Google and Vulcan Golf v. Google trademark cases. He has also authored copyright amicus briefs on behalf of Google in cases such as Flava Works v.50 Gunter. Notably, Professor Mark Lemley, a partner of Mr. Gratz and founder of the Durie Tangri firm has also served as outside legal counsel, and as a paid consultant to Google.
Mr. Lemley signed a letter to members of Congress, spearheaded by EFF and CDT that51 opposed child sex-trafficking legislation in July 2013. Google was required to disclose52 its financial relationship with Mr. Lemley in a 2012 filing in the Oracle v. Google case. Other current and past CDT Advisory Council members with close ties to Google include:
- Rebecca Mackinnon (New America Foundation): Google is the largest corporate contributor to New America and is listed as a $1million+ donor. Google’s former chairman and now Alphabet’s chairman, Eric Schmidt, has contributed more than $1 million to New America through his family foundation and served as New America’s53 Chairman of the Board until 2016.
- Bob Boorstin (Albright Stonebridge Group): Mr. Boorstin served from 2006-2013 as54 Google’s Director of Public Policy.464748495051525354
- Nick Feamster (Princeton University): Mr. Feamster, a professor of computer science at Princeton University, has received $1.6 million in Google research funding,55 according to his CV.
- Maura Corbett (Glenn Echo Group): Ms. Corbett’s Glen Echo Group counts Google as a client and has managed several policy coalitions Google helped create,56 including the NetCoalition, Wireless Innovation Alliance, and Save the Internet. Google and CDT work together closely in other ways as well: Since 2008, CDT has been a host organization for Google’s Policy Fellowship program in which undergraduate, graduate and law students are deployed to special interest57 organizations to work on policy issues important to the company.
Additionally, several former CDT employees now hold senior positions in Google’s policy operation: Erik Stallman, who served as CDT’s general counsel from 2014 to58 2016, joined Google as Public Policy Counsel in June of 2016. Heather West, who served as a CDT policy analyst from 2007 to 2010, worked in Google’s Federal Public59 Policy division until 2015. Andrew McDiarmid who served as a Senior Policy Analyst at CDT from 2012 to 2014 joined Google in late 2014 as a policy specialist.55565758596061
Google’s Special Relationship with EFF
The Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) also has a long and lucrative history with Google. The extent of the relationship became clear during the Oracle v. Google patent case in 2012, during which the company was required to disclose its relationships with organizations commenting on the case. Google stated in its filing that it “has contributed to the EFF for years” and listed several articles by EFF writers supporting Google’s62 position in the case.
EFF does not disclose the names of its donors. However, the organization’s revenues more than tripled from $5.3 million in 2011 to over $17 million in 2015. Google is one likely source of EFF’s surging revenues. In 2011, EFF received $1 million from Google in a settlement over the Google Buzz class action suit. The Google

payments, which also included settlement awards to several other groups Google has funded in the past (including CDT), were made through what is known as a cy pres award, in which the class received nothing, but the settling parties agreed to pay the settlement sum to advocacy groups Google helped select under the theory that those groups would promote the interests of the class members in some indirect fashion related to the lawsuit.
EPIC, a privacy group that was originally denied settlement funds at the time, filed an objection contending that they were excluded from the final list of cy pres applicants because of counsel’s “bias towards distribution of cy pres funds to ‘organizations that are currently paid by [Google] to lobby or consult for the company.’” EFF’s Board has long been dominated by members who have close personal,64 institutional, professional, and financial ties to Google, including:
- Pamela Samuelson (UC Berkeley Center for Law and Technology): Google is listed65 as a “corporate benefactor” of UC Berkeley’s Law School. Ms. Samuelson is also on the faculty of UC Berkeley’s School of Information where four of the seven board62636465 members are current or former Google executives: Hal Varian, Elizabeth Churchill,66 Betsy Masiello, and Nicole Wong. Ms. Samuelson and her husband Robert Glushko are also the founders of UC Berkeley’s Samuelson Law, Technology and Public Policy Clinic. The Berkeley Center for Law & Technology and Samuelson Law, Technology & Public Policy Clinic also received $700,000 as part of the Google Buzz67 cy pres settlement.
- Lorrie Cranor (Carnegie Mellon): Ms. Cranor, who served as an EFF board member until her appointment as the FTC’s chief technologist in 2015, has received nearly68 $850,000 in Google research awards, according to her CV. The money included nearly $350,000 in personal research awards and $400,000 shared with two other Carnegie Mellon researchers. She also received $178,920 as part of the cy pres settlement in the Google Buzz case.
- Jonathan Zittrain & Brad Schneier (Harvard Berkman Klein Center): Google is one of only two corporate sponsors (the other is Facebook) of the Berkman Klein Center69 and has a long history with the institution and Mr. Zittrain. In 2010, Emily Brill wrote a profile of Google’s relationship with the Berkman Center, reporting that Google was Berkman’s top corporate backer and its fourth-largest donor. Mr. Zittrain is also personally close to Google co-founder Sergey Brin, according to Ms. Brill’s article. Neither Google nor the Berkman Klein Center discloses the amount of Google’s annual financial support, although Ms. Brill reported that Google had contributed70 “roughly $500,000 over the last two years.” Mr. Schneier is also a fellow at the Berkman Klein Center and a program fellow at New America’s Open Technology Institute. As highlighted above, Google is the largest corporate contributor to New America.
- Brad Templeton (EFF Chairman Emeritus): Mr. Templeton, who served as EFF’s chairman until 2010, has disclosed his close relationship with Google and its founders, noting on his personal website, “One, I’m a fan of Google, and have been friends with Google’s management since they started the company. I’ve also done71 work for Google advising on software design.”
- Joe Kraus (EFF Board Member, Google Director of Product Management): Mr. Kraus served simultaneously as an EFF Board Member and as a Google executive666768697071 from 2005 to 2012 – first as Google’s Director of Product Management and later as a72 partner at Google’s VC firm, Google Ventures.
EFF and Google also count several “revolving door” moves from amongst their ranks:
- Fred von Lohmann, an EFF senior staff attorney until 2010, Mr. Lohmann joined Google first as senior copyright council and currently serves as Google’s legal73 director for copyright.
- Erika Portnoy, a Google software engineer from 2005 to 2016. Today Ms. Portnoy is74 EFF’s “staff technologist”.
- Chris Palmer, As Google’s senior software engineer, Mr. Palmer took a leave of absence in 2010 to serve as EFF’s technology director, before rejoining Google a75 year later in 2011.
- Dan Auerbach, a Google software engineer, left Google in 2010 to join EFF as its76 technology director.
- Derek Slater, EFF’s “activism coordinator” until 2007, Mr. Slater joined Google as its senior public policy manager leading the company’s grassroots strategy in the SOPA-PIPA copyright fight in 2012.
Like CDT, EFF is also a host organization for Google’s Policy Fellowship program and has awarded fellowships to graduate students to work at EFF every year since at least77 2008.727374757677
Google-funded groups’ support of Backpage: A Timeline
After Backpage’s legal troubles gathered steam from 2008 to 2011, EFF and CDT, citing concerns about protecting Section 230, first emerged to defend the company in mid-2012. Supported by dozens of other Google-funded groups, the two non-profits aggressively filed amicus briefs on Backpage’s behalf; recruited signers to coalition letters opposing bills targeting Backpage; wrote blog posts and op-eds defending the company; and, in at least one case, filed directly as an “intervener” in opposition to a lawsuit in which Backpage was a defendant.
EFF and CDT’s frequent use of amicus briefs to defend Backpage in its numerous court cases is not without controversy. Defined as “friend of the court” legal filings by impartial observers, amicus briefs have increasingly been used by the groups to support the legal positions of their funders.
In an unrelated 2015 case known as BMG Rights Management v. Cox Enterprises, the Court denied EFF’s motion to appear as amicus on behalf of Cox, citing the fact that Cox’s counsel in the case also served on EFF’s advisory board and collaborated with78 the non-profit on the drafting of the brief. The judge in the case chastised Cox and EFF for their failure to disclose the relationship, saying: The problem isn’t that you went to EFF and solicited their input… It’s that you didn’t disclose it. And you are close enough to this action as lead counsel where there is absolutely no question that you should have encouraged Public Knowledge or Electronic Frontier Foundation from identifying – Just a footnote… And that is, in my belief, disappointing and deceptive. Amicus are obviously friends of the court. And I think with that, there comes an obligation to tell the Court of relationships they have with a party to an action. You chose not to do it.79 And I think it’s really unfortunate.
In almost every circumstance, the Google-funded groups based their legal challenges on Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, a key provision that provides Backpage and Google immunity from liability for user-generated content posted to their sites. And in none of the amicus filings did EFF or CDT disclose Google’s substantial financial support of their organizations.
The following timeline highlights key events from 2012 to 2017 in which EFF, CDT and other Google-funded groups weighed-in to support Backpage:
- June 15, 2012: EFF files as an “intervener” on behalf of Backpage in the company’s lawsuit (Backpage v. McKenna) to block enforcement of a Washington State law7879 rescinding Section 230 immunity for companies like Backpage that knowingly publish ads for prostitution depicting minors unless age-identification requirements80 are met. EFF’s Matt Zimmerman claims in a blog post that the bill will create a “speech-chilling ‘race to the bottom’ undermining the protection of Internet intermediaries.”
Six months later, in December of 2012, a U.S. District Court grants a permanent injunction against enforcement of the law and awards Backpage $200,000 in81 attorney’s fees from the Washington Attorney General.
- December 7, 2012: Reporter Timothy B. Lee, writing for Ars Technica, highlights EFF’s efforts to block enforcement of the Washington law and quotes Mr. Zimmerman. “Threatening to throw service providers in jail for what their users say or do is misguided, incredibly harmful to free expression generally, and violates82 federal law,” Zimmerman said.
Google disclosed in the 2012 Oracle v. Google patent case that Lee was a former intern of the company, and Lee himself has disclosed that as a graduate student he83 had received Google money.
